08 Oct 2013 | Tony Leon |
Original Publication: BDlive
Something that centres on a vanquished leader appears to be
happening on the local election front that calls to mind humorist Peter de
Vries’s words: ‘Nostalgia ain’t what it used to be,’ writes Tony Leon
AT THE risk of incurring the displeasure of the proprietor
of this newspaper, who — probably correctly — believes most readers are
oversaturated with politics, permit an observation on next year’s elections. It
starts with a nugget gleaned during a visit to London. There, a good friend who
has spent decades representing the Conservative Party in parliament pointed out
that the Tories took more than 20 years to recover from their brutal political
assassination of their most successful modern leader, Margaret Thatcher.
The Conservative Party, which enjoys the distinction of
being the most electorally successful political machine in the 20th-century
democratic world, was in its own terms quite right to get rid of Thatcher in
November 1990. Despite having won three general elections for her party and
recast the mould of her country’s political economy, by then she had saddled
her party with more negatives than positives. These included an unpopular
policy (the poll tax), an increasingly divisive and imperious leadership style,
which she viewed without end ("I plan to go on and on," she said),
and a take-no-prisoners approach to any dissidents (whom she dismissed as
"wets" or "spineless").
Her successor, John Major, stepped in and won an improbable fourth term of office for his party. But that was the high point of a premiership that pretty quickly unravelled.
But as the humorist Peter de Vries noted: "Nostalgia
ain’t what it used to be." At last week’s Tory conference, Thatcher, in
the form of a video titled Our Maggie, was portrayed in heroic terms to stir
the party faithful. Something similar appears to be happening on the local
election front, also centred on a vanquished leader.
In December 2007, when Thabo Mbeki was dumped as president
of the African National Congress (ANC) and then, 10 months later, "recalled"
as state president, an ANC colleague in Parliament made an interesting
observation: "Just watch what happens. The genie is now out of the bottle
and leading this party and country will never be the same again."
But there was even more red ink on the negative side of his
leadership ledger than on the scorecard of the "Iron Lady". Imperious
leadership, pumping up racial division and an African Renaissance that morphed
into trysts with tyrants come to mind. His HIV/AIDS policy, which cost hundreds
and thousands of unnecessary lives, originated from an intellect detached from
reality. But merited or not, his removal from office remains a defining feature
of our politics.
What a difference five years makes, though. The Mbeki years are now remembered through the lens of the troubled present far more warmly than could have been imagined. The ANC in Gauteng desires his presence in its campaign; and even though this has been slapped down from above, it is noteworthy that when he voted in the 2009 election, Mbeki famously refused to comment on-camera on whether he was even voting for the ANC. Doubtless the fact that his key lieutenants had formed a rival party, the Congress of the People, also on the ballot that day, weighed on his comment.
But the rediscovery of ANC leaders past is not confined to
the ruling party. Hot on the heels of lashing the colours of the Democratic
Alliance to the mast of Mandela, its Gauteng premier candidate, Mmusi Maimane,
this week, more surprisingly, also joined the Mbeki revival club. Maimane is a
highly personable and charismatic man whose origins are in the church. But he
is also very politically ecumenical. His slogan "Believe in Gauteng"
is borrowed, with local adaptation, from Mitt Romney, while his rhetoric is
much inspired by Barack Obama. But this flexibility was extended last week when
he announced that he had been an ANC-aligned Mbeki supporter and that his
presidency instilled in him a sense of pride and that its high point was the
policy of black economic empowerment.
Doubtless in order to score an immediate point against
Mbeki’s successor, he chose to elide straight past the red ink in the past
president’s ledger. But by casting politics in terms of a narrative — "the
previous president was good, this one is bad" — suggests that the
difference between the two largest parties in the country is a disagreement on
the leadership choices of the ANC. Perhaps that was not the intention. But, then
again, motive is less relevant than result.
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