20 Nov 2012 | Tony Leon | Original
Publication: BDlive
Brazil’s lashing together of sensible economics and pro-poor policies is
worthy of local application, writes Tony Leon
THE past week offered our
national trinity — trade unions, big business and the political class — some
key lessons from the Latins.
At the weekend, the
Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) enjoyed its "Lula
Moment", when former Brazilian president Luis Inacio Lula da Silva dropped
by in Johannesburg to share some of his recipes for successful governance.
Undoubtedly our political
elite would like to learn how, after two terms as president, he had an approval
rating of more than 80% on leaving office.
Lula’s headline
achievement was to disprove the sneering adage that Brazil was "the
country of the future, and always will be". Lula’s presidency from 2002 to
2010 saw the slumbering economic giant rise to global pre-eminence; earlier
this year it ousted the UK as the world’s sixth-biggest economy.
Its $2.5-trillion gross
domestic product has also been used to good effect and now inspires global
envy. As Nicholas Lemann noted: "Brazil has achieved a rare trifecta: high
growth (unlike the US and Europe), political freedom (unlike China) and falling
inequality (unlike practically everywhere)."
No doubt Cosatu and the
government will draw inspiration from the rise of 28-million Brazilians, 15% of
the population, from extreme poverty into the lower rungs of the middle class.
Our trade unions will
emphasise that its achievement was largely owing to the Bolsa Familia welfare
payments, credit access for small businesses and rising salaries.
But these impressive
accomplishments had a back story and Lula had a predecessor who built the
fiscal and monetary platform on which he stood. It is an open secret that Lula
and former president Fernando Henrique Cardoso, who beat Lula in the two
presidential elections they contested against each other in the 1990s, have a healthy
dislike for each other. Cardoso was shunned by Lula during the latter’s
presidency, and Cardoso recently derided Lulanomics as "government by cash
dispenser".
But it was the
combination of them both, the sociologist-turned-politician Cardoso and the metal
worker Lula, who overcame grinding poverty to reach the presidency, that
created the modern and much-admired Brazil. Cardoso slew the inflationary
dragon, which crested at a staggering 2,000% as recently as 1993. He did this
through a prudent mix of currency reforms and tight monetary and fiscal
policies. He became a hero of the country’s business and financial sectors.
Then, entering stage
left, Lula won power only by pledging to maintain his predecessor’s economic
course.
But he added to it his
populist charm and extended the reach of government to the country’s poor, to
whom his life story was heroic. In the process, he became, in the words of an
admiring critic, "a purveyor of pragmatic politics that were at once
pro-Wall Street and pro-Favella".
Of course, Brazil’s sheer
size makes it an inexact fit for South Africa. But its lashing together of
sensible economics and pro-poor policies and using presidential authority to
popularise both of them, is worthy of local application.
Brazil’s neighbour, Argentina,
has hewed a much less successful path. While Cardoso was making way for Lula in
December 2001, Argentina entered national bankruptcy when it posted the world’s
largest sovereign debt default to the tune of $160bn.
Argentina seemed an
improbable place to buy a bank. But just four years after this financial
meltdown, Standard Bank did precisely that and went on, under its blue and
white brand, to create the seventh-largest retail bank in one of the more
economically challenging markets. Last week, the Argentinian Central Bank
confirmed the sale of Standard Bank Argentina to the Chinese ICBC Bank, the
minority shareholder of the South African parent. For its sale of 80% of its
share of the Argentinian operation, Standard Bank will receive $650m, a mouthwatering
return on investment.
Standard Bank’s outsize
success in South America was largely achieved through prudent lending, smart
marketing and the individual skills of Johan Roets, its flamboyant and savvy
head of private and business banking.
Finally from the far
south last week, the BBC website featured the remarkable president of Uruguay,
José "Pepe" Mujica.
Of the heads of state I
have met, his background as a leading member of the armed insurgency against
Uruguay’s authoritarian military rulers in the 1970s, including his
imprisonment for 14 years, most closely resembled the biographies of former
struggle activists now governing South Africa.
But there is a singular
difference: as the BBC billed him, he is also "the poorest president in
the world".
In contrast to the riches
acquired and deference expected by leaders elsewhere, Mujica’s election in late
2009 has not led to any change to his admirably austere lifestyle. He continues
to live with his wife on a very modest farm on the outskirts of Montevideo and
records as his only asset an "elderly" Volkswagen Beetle. He also
donates the bulk of his presidential salary to charity.
• Follow Tony Leon on Twitter: @TonyLeonSA
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